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Compounding Privileges in White, Affluent Neighborhoods Drive Urban Inequality

Howell draped in a red scarf, sitting on a porch ledge with a city street in the background
Data long used by policymakers to address educational inequality between the poor and the affluent in America is getting a more equitable look. 聽

Children who grow up in extremely poor neighborhoods tend to have worse educational outcomes than their wealthier peers. Sociologists and policymakers who study this phenomenon have long relied on foundational research from the 1980s that focused on these disadvantaged neighborhoods and children, largely ignoring the other half of the societal continuum: affluent neighborhoods.

A by Junia Howell, assistant professor of at 51精品视频, is turning that framework on its head. Traditional remedies for inequality such as pouring more resources into disadvantaged spaces, she said, have by and large been 鈥渂ased on a fundamental misunderstanding of the empirical data.鈥

In the news

Junia Howell鈥檚 work on urban inequity is changing how people think about policies in America. recently featured Howell鈥檚 paper.

And earlier this year about how resources get distributed unevenly among privileged and underprivileged communities 鈥 favoring those already advantaged 鈥 after a natural disaster.

Like previous researchers, used data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, the world鈥檚 聽begun in 1968. She found that children who grow up in more disadvantaged neighborhoods complete less education than their counterparts growing up in more affluent communities.

However, unlike her predecessors, she found this relationship has little to do with the disadvantaged spaces. Instead, the correlation is due to the compounding privileges in advantaged communities.

In other words, children in advantaged neighborhoods benefit more from their privilege than children in disadvantaged neighborhoods suffer for their obstacles.

Using statistical modeling, Howell developed a 鈥渘eighborhood privilege index鈥 and a 鈥渄isadvantage index鈥 to interpret the household data, controlling for gender, race, parents鈥 income, number of moves and other factors often associated with privilege and educational attainment.

Her analysis showed that white people are concentrated in more advantaged neighborhoods, and they are most strongly influenced by the privilege of their neighborhood. Black residents, in contrast, were spread across more neighborhood types, 鈥渢hough disproportionately concentrated in disadvantaged neighborhoods,鈥 she noted, and their neighborhood鈥檚 effect on education was comparatively minimal.

鈥淲hen we talk about educational inequality, we focus on what is lacking in marginalized communities. However, what my work and the illuminate is, addressing educational inequality requires reevaluating how actions aimed at helping one鈥檚 own children might be perpetuating inequity.鈥

When it comes to solving education inequality, 鈥淚ncreasing resources in Black and Latinx neighborhoods and schools is critical,鈥 Howell stressed, but 鈥渢hat is only one part of the story.鈥

Howell鈥檚 work suggests future research and public policies need to address how opportunities are hoarded in privileged spaces, allowing advantaged, mostly white communities to thrive. She said, 鈥渨ithout addressing the larger issue of why resources are disproportionately allocated to white communities we will fail to shrink educational inequities.鈥

Her paper, 鈥淭he Truly Advantaged: Examining the Effects of Privileged Places on Educational Attainment,鈥 was published last month in The Sociological Quarterly.